The Dalit Womens Movement In India

The Dalit Womens Movement In India This paper proposes to look at dalit womens movement (DWM) in India. The dalit womens movement should be analyzed in a relational framework for which we will have to look at the specific history and nature of the Indian nation-state. The other two major movements which have a bearing on DWM are the dalit movement and the womens movement in India. This paper focuses on the DWM particularly the National Federation of dalit women (NFDW). There are a host of regional, state level and national level movements led and participated by dalit women, it is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss all these, so I undertake a study of the NFDW, its politics, strategy, ideology, scope and the theoretical perspectives through which it has been analysed. The NFDW is chronologically a post 1980s phenomena and has been active in a transnational arena with its particular presence in Durban 2001, it has been analysed by social scientists in a transnational framework. I have not overlooked the transnational significance of the movement, but, looked at it in a historical context of Indias history and modernity, the place of dalit women and men within this history and how has the history been challenged by dalit women. The main argument put forward by dalit feminists is that dalit women are a different category in their own right and they should not be subsumed within the category of dalits or women as a whole. Dalit feminists have asked both the dalit movements and womens movements in India for an internal critique because both these movements have neither been able to represent dalit women nor paid attention to their specific structural, social and cultural location within Indian society. Indian society is ridden with multiple and overlapping inequalities which affect women in general and dalit women in particular, in different ways. Dalit feminists have also argued for an analysis of patriarchy within dalit communities because of external and internal factors. Dalit women justify the case for talking differently on the basis of external factors (non-dalit forces homogenizing the issue of dalit women) and internal factors (the patriarchal domination within the dalits). (Guru: 1995:2548) The dalit womens movement has a crucial role to play in the analysis of dalit feminist approach because as Chaudhuri points out it is almost impossible to separate the history of action from the history of ideas. In other words the conceptual debates themselves embodied the history of doing, and vice versa. (Chaudhuri: 2004: xi-xii) therefore what constitutes conceptual history, arises in the context of history of doing (Chaudhuri: 2004: xii) The first part explores the historicity of womans question in India, dalit womens participation in early anti-caste movements is established now but they do not figure in the womens movement led by the AIWC as the womens movement started with a group of bourgeois women who believed in homogeneous womanhood. The second part looks at the question of difference and the articulation of this difference by dalit women through what Rege has called the dalit feminist standpoint (DFS), and the further debate around the DFS. The third part looks at the NFDW in particular. The fourth part tries to locate the DWM in different theoretical frameworks which have been put forward to explain the movement locating it in the present national and international scenario. The questions this paper will explore are: Why is it important to see the dalit womens movement as separate from the Indian womens movement and dalit movement in general? What are the main features of dalit womens movement, particularly the NFDW? How the revolving and overlapping axis of caste, class and gender have affected dalit women in particular? The related concepts are: Patriarchy Patriarchy is defined as Literally, rule of the father the term was originally used to describe social systems based on authority of male heads of household. (A dictionary of sociology 2009/1994:551) The nature of control and subjugation of women varies from one society to the other as it differs due to the differences in class, caste, religion, region, ethnicity and the socio-cultural practices. Thus in the context of India, brahmanical patriarchy, tribal patriarchy and dalit patriarchy are different from each other. Patriarchy within a particular caste or class also differs in terms of their religious and regional variations. (Ray: 2006) Mary E. John argues that there are not separate, multiple patriarchies but multiple patriarchies, the products of social discrimination along class, caste and communal lines, are much more shared and overlapping than diverseà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the growing disparitiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦would tell a different story, one of unequal patriarchies and disparate genders.(John:2004: 66). Gender According to Ann Oakley sex is a biological term: gender a psychological and cultural one further she says if the proper terms for sex are male and female, the corresponding terms for gender are masculine and feminine; these latter may be quite independent of (biological) sex. (Oakley: 1972:159) Dalit Romila Thapar traces the roots of Dalit in Pali literature in which Dalit means the oppressed. (Quoted in Guru and Geetha: 2000) Dalit is not a caste; it is a constructed identityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ Dalit (oppressed or broken) is not a new word. Apparently, it was used in the 1930s as a Hindi and Marathi translation of depressed classes, a term the British used for what are now called the scheduled castesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦The word was also used by B R Ambedkar in his Marathi speeches. The Dalit Panthers revived the term in their 1973 manifestoà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Bharati: 2002) However there is a huge and raging debate over the word Dalit among intellectuals. The issues of terminology are complex and cannot be handled in this space, the study proposes to use dalits for the communities also at times called ex-untouchables, ati-shudras, untouchables, scheduled castes, low castes, harijans etc. Dalit women It has been pointed by dalit activists and intellectuals that dalit women suffer the triple burden of caste, class, and gender (Rao:2006), (Rege:1998), (Dietrich:2006), (Omvedt: 2004),(Malik:1999) they have been called the dalits of the dalits , the downtrodden amongst the downtrodden and the the slaves of the slaves.( Manorama quoted in Hardtmann: 2009:217) However such a construction has been challenged by Shirman as fetishising of dalit womens suffering which tend to reify the living social relationships that constitute dalit womens lives, and to locate dalit women as objects of pity. (Shirman: 2004) Social movement A social movement can be thought of as an informal set of individuals and/ or groups that are involved in confliction relations with clearly identified opponents; are linked by dense informal networks; [and] share a distinct collective identity (della Porta Diani, 2006, p. 20). (Christiansen:2011:4) Feminism Kumari Jayawardena defines feminism as embracing movements for equality within the current system and significant struggles that have attempted to change the system. She asserts that these movements arose in the context of i) the formulation and consolidation of national identities which modernized anti-imperialist movements during the independence struggle and ii) the remaking of pre-capitalist religion and feudal structures in attempt to modernize third world societies (Jayawardena, 1986: 2) ( Quoted in Chaudhuri, 2004: xvi). Nation-State Nation, it is clear, is not the same as state. The latter refers to an independent and autonomous political structure over a specific territory, with a comprehensive legal system and a sufficient concentration of power to maintain law and order. State, in other words, is primarily a political-legal concept, whereas nation is primarily psycho-cultural. Nation and state may exist independently of one another: a nation may exist without a state; a state may exist without a nation. When the two coincide, when the boundaries of the state are approximately coterminous with those of the nation, the result is a nation-state. A nation-state, in other words, is a nation that possesses political sovereignty. It is socially cohesive as well as politically organized and independent. (Enloe and Rejai: 1969:143) The space of dalit women in the womens movement and the dalit movement in India. Chaudhuri has observed that the early womens movement comprised of the women from upper caste and class strata who distanced themselves from party politics and confrontational mode of assertion. The theme of woman as an individual in her own right did not crop up till very late. The theme that emerges is the naturally non-antagonistic relationship of the sexes in India as compared to the westà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Chaudhuri: 2004:119) Chaudhuri discusses that the All India Womens Congress (AIWC) were in favour of joint electorates and rejected the communal award, women the leading members continued to argue, were all sisters under the sari and the institutions and ideals that governed their lives were similar. (Chaudhuri: 2004:130) Chaudhuri also observes the propensity of gender issues to be dispensable while larger political battles are being fought has been a constant of sorts in the history of modern India. (Chaudhuri: 2011: xv) Throughout the nineteenth century different versions of female emancipation came to be tied to the idea of national liberation and regeneration. The early colonial constellation of the arya woman is a sternly elitist concept in class and caste terms, and finds its nationalist shape in social and political thought, literature and a dominant historiographic model of Indiaà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ the recovery of tradition throughout the proto-nationalist and nationalist period was the recovery of the traditional womanà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the vedic woman, both in her own time, and after her appropriation by upper castes and classes in the nineteenth century, is built upon the labour of lower social groups and is also a mark of distinction from them.(Sangari and Vaid: 1989:10) Following these historical developments there has been an ambivalence in india towards feminism, Chaudhuri argues that we cannot exclude women who were pushing feminist agendas without calling them feminists because we cannot impose current notions of feminism on the past thereby assuming an ideal notion of the correct kind of feminism. (Chaudhuri: 2004: xvi-xvii) Another question that Chaudhuri points out is the westernnes of feminism and its subsequent perception by feminists in India. She claims that there is no turning away from the westà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦questions regarding the westerness of feminism has been a constant theme. In a hierarchical society often gender oppression is linked with oppressions based on caste, class, community, tribe and religion, and in such multiple patriarchies men as the principal oppressors is not easily accepted (Chaudhuri, 2004: xxii-xxiii). Manuela Ciotti in a field study done with BSP and Hindu right women activists in UP has drawn attention to the role played by womens husbands or other male family members, who are often not only responsible for womens release into public life, but also act as a source of advice, experience, encouragement and financial support for their political activities. (Ciotti: 2007) The history to which the dalit womens movement traces itself is of Ambedkar and Phule (both men) whose approach however was (unlike that of the early Indian womens movement) confrontationalist as well as pronouncedly antagonist to brahmanic patriarchy. To Phule and Ambedkar, gender issues were not dispensable. This history also brings to light the fact that dalit women were not historically absent from movements but their history has been neglected until recently. They worked side by side dalit men but they have started to organize separately from dalit men with different movements only post the 1970s. Ambedkar not only spoke for and agitated for the rights of Dalits but also Dalit women. He argued that practices of sati, enforced widowhood and child marriage come to be prescribed by Brahmanism in order to regulate and control any transgression of boundaries, i.e., to say he underlines the fact that the caste system can be maintained only through the controls on womens sexuality and in this sense women are the gateways to the caste system [Ambedkar 1992:90] (Rege: 1998) Meenakshi Moon and Urmila Pawar have recorded the participation of dalit women in the early 20th century movements against caste exclusion and oppression, in the following decades womens activities developed from mere participation as beneficiaries or as an audience, to the shouldering of significant responsibility in various fields of activity in the Ambedkar movement. (Moon and Pawar: 2003:49) Moon and Pawars research has thrown light on the unknown facts of the dalit womens participation in the early anti-caste movements, Dr. Ambedkar saw to it that womens conferences were held simultaneously with those of men. By 1930 women had become so conscious that they started conducting their own meetings and conferences independently. (Moon and Pawar: 2003:50) In the Mahad satyagraha of 1927 women not only participated in the procession with Dr. Ambedkar but also participated in the deliberations of the subject committee meetings in passing resolutions about the claim for equal human rights. (Moon and Pawar: 2003:50) Their research also reveals the experiences they (dalit women) had in the field as well as in the family as mother, wife, daughter; what was the effect on their life of Ambedkars movement and speechesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Moon and Pawar: 2003:53) Even the women who were illiterate subscribed to Ambedkars journals to keep the publications alive. They paid four annas to eight annas when their daily wages were hardly a rupee daily. Some women courted arrest with the men in the satayagrahas. Some had to face beatings from their husbands for participating in the movement. At such times they took their infant babies to jail, some carried all their belongings, even chickens. Taking in consideration the extremely backward social atmosphere the achievements of these women were most commendable. (Moon and Pawar: 2003:54-55) The analyses of dalit womens presence in anti caste struggle has brought out the sharp contrast between their participation in movements and their visibility as leaders and decision makers in political parties or dalit movement itself. Dalit women do not play any important role in the political leadership of maharastra (Zelliot:2006:209) Vimal Thorat laments that Dalit identity politics articulates caste identity sharply but resists, deliberately, understanding and articulating the gender dimensions of caste itself (that sees all women not just Dalit women) in a certain lightà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦The Dalit movement has thrown up so many women but articulate women are not invited by Dalit forums, especially the political parties. (Thorat: 2001) The question she asks is Forty years after the Dalit movement, where is the womens share? (Hamari bhagyadari kahan hai?) (Thorat: 2001) Ruth Manorama is of the view that dalit women have to challenge dalit men to reah the leading posts within their own movement. She explains that dalit men have been discriminated throughout their lives by high caste men as well as high caste women. The dalit men now are scared of dalit women and think that they are the same as the high caste women. Now when they have finally grasped the leadership positions they will not part from them. You have to understand them. (Hardtmann: 2009:219) Dietrich argues that while womens movements downplay the caste factor and emphasize unity among women as victims of violence, dalit movements see such violence only from a caste angle and subsume the dalit women within dalits in general.( Dietrich:2006:57) Many Dalit intellectuals deny the persistence of brahmanic patriarchy among the dalits, Kancha Ilaiah admits that patriarchy exists among the dalits, but he compares it to Brahmin patriarchy and contends that it is less oppressive the man woman relations among the dalitBahujan are far more democratic. (Ilaiah: 2006:88) Dalit womens assertion of difference Gopal Guru in dalit women talk differently has posed faith in the new politics of difference that the dalit women have expressed through the formation of the National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW). Guru brings out the facts that such difference is necessary if dalit women want to fight patriarchy which is external and internal. Other factors that he points out are caste factor does not get adequate recognition in the analysis done by non-dalit, middle-class, urbanised women activists. (Guru: 1995:2548) And the claim for womens solidarity at both national and global levels subsumes contradictions that exist between high caste and dalit women. (Guru: 1995:2548) Rege also points to the trend of the left party-based womens organizations collapsing caste into class, and the autonomous womens groups collapsing caste into sisterhood, both leaving Brahmanism unchallenged. (Rege: 1998) The social and material conditions of dalit women are different and they cannot uncritically ally themselves with larger feminist politics because of the same, so feminists like Rege have called it the dalit feminist standpoint (DFS). (Rege: 1998) The DFS according to Rege analyses what divides women, what unites them but does not unite them easily. As a standpoint located in the material practices of dalit womens lives it rejects a dichotomisation of the material and cultural which equates the material to environmental degradation and brahmanism to the cultural. Brahmanical patriarchies and caste-specific patriarchies are material in their determination of the access to resources, the division of labour the sexual division of labour and division of sexual labour. (Rege: 2000) Criticizing Rege, Chaya Datar argues that Rege has ignored ecofeminism which actually talks about the position of dalit women in society and the exploitation of women as well as the environment and natural degradation. In Datars view the dalit womens movement may not be part of narrow identity politics, insofar as it does not talk of the materiality of the majority of dalit, marginalised women who lose their livelihoods because of environmental degradation but focuses its struggle mainly against brahminical symbols, it cannot aspire to revisioning of society. It cannot become more emancipatory than the present womens movement. (Datar: 1999) According to Anupama Rao dalitbahujan feminists have gone further than merely arguing that Indian feminism is incomplete and exclusive. Rather, they are suggesting that we rethink the genealogy of Indian feminism in order to engage meaningfully with dalit womens difference from the ideal subjects of feminist politics. (Rao: 2006:2-3) Bela Malik argues that a purely dalit or a purely feminist movement cannot adequately help dalit women. (Malik: 1999) she further states that those who have been actively involved with organizing women encounter difficulties that are nowhere addressed in a theoretical literature whose foundational principles are derived from a smattering of normative theories of rights, liberal political theory, an ill-formulated left politics and more recently, occasionally, even a well-intentioned doctrine of entitlements. Kannabiran and Kannabiran(1991) have pointed to how the deadlock between kshatriya and dalit men caused by dalit agricultural labourer women dressing well could be solved only by a decision taken by men of both the communities. It was decided that women of either community would not be allowed to step into each others locations. The sexual assault on dalit women has been used as a common practice for under-mining the manhood of the caste. Some dalit male activists did argue that in passing derogatory remarks about upper caste girls (in incidents such as Chanduru) dalit men were only getting their own back. The emancipatory agenda of the dalit and womens movements will have to be sensitive to these issues and underline the complex interphase between caste and gender as structuring hierarchies in society. (Rege: 1998) The notion of the dalit women as more free and mobile has been taken up by feminists, the arguments have been that although dalit women are vocal and fight their husbands back, they are not under the ideology of husband worship but they face collective threat of physical harm from upper caste forces all the time. (Dietrich: 2006:58), also (Rege: 1998). Kumkum Sangari opines that patriarchies function and persist not only because they are embedded in the social stratification, division of labour, political structure, cultural practices but also because of consent by women. (Sangari: 1996:17) T.P-Vetschera in his study of Dalit women in Ahmednagar district of Maharashtra points out to the element of consent by quoting the Dalit women themselves our men dont treat us as badly as animals, this means that they are good'. Women feel that suffering (is) an essential part of a womans life and nothing could be done about it. (P-Vetschera: 1996:246) T.P-Vetscheras study points out that the Mahars have experienced social mobility and in the region caste repression is not so bad. However the lives of Mahar women are full of daily struggles with burgeoning amount of work within and outside home. Their husbands dont help them and they have to cope with clichà ©s which configure them as lazy and having loose morals. (P-Vetschera: 1996:238) They are frequent victims of violence at the hands of their husbands. Some of them are victims of rape and sexual exploitation by high caste men. (P-Vetschera: 1996:239) Sanskritisation or reference group behavior has reined havoc on the freedom and position earlier enjoyed by dalit women in dalit community. (P-Vetschera: 1996:257). A dangerous mixture of tradition and modernity combines not to stop or minimize the exploitation of dalit women but only gives it a new avatar. The National Federation of dalit women (NFDW) Tracing the issues at stake in the post Mandal-Masjid phase of the womens movement, Rege has argued that the assertion of dalit womens voices in the 1990s brings up significant issues for the revisioning of feminist politics. (Rege: 1998). The revival of the womens movement in india came with the new womens movement in the 1970s.Dalit womens activists however, see this movement as a continuation of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the Hindu caste reform tradition.(Hardtmann: 2009:215) They consider the feminist theory developed by non-dalit women as unauthentic since it does not capture their reality. This comprehension gets clearly reflected in the 12- point agenda adopted by the NFDW and in several papers presented by the dalit women at the Maharashtra Dalit Womens Conference held in Pune in May 1995. Dalit women define the concept of dalit strictly in caste terms, refuting the claim of upper caste women to dalithood. Dalit women activists quote Phule and Ambedkar to invalidate the attempt to a non-dalit woman to don dalit identity. (Guru: 1995:2549) In the second half of the 1980s, dalit women came to express a need for a separate platform within the broader womens movement. In the 1987 the first dalit womens national meeting, dalit womens struggles and aspirations, was held in Bangalore. About 200 women from the south of India, but also from Delhi, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, and west Bengal are said to have attended. This was the beginning of a national network of dalit women which on the 11 august 1995 formed the NFDW. (Guru: 1995:2548-9) (Hardtmann: 2009:215) Three years later some women from NFDW took part in the formation of the national campaign on dalit human rights (NCDHR). (Hardtmann: 2009:216) It is important to note, however, that even if they have organized separately from dalit men, they tried to work in collaboration with them in the NCDHR. NCDHR was officially launched on World Human Rights Day, 10 December 1998; it links dozens of formerly isolated Dalit civil society organizations in fourteen Indian states. (Bob: 2007:179) The NFDW was instrumental in organizing dalit women for the world conference against racism held in Durban in 2001. Dalit activists argued that caste oppression was like race oppression because both were discriminations based on work and descent. This has been a matter of debate in India as well as globally now and the NFDW supported this claim. The World Conference against Racism held at Durban in 2001 and the process that led to the WCAR in India witnessed the freeing of caste from the confines of India into a larger international arena that held out greater possibilities for public debate, alliance building and more powerful resistance. (Kannabiran: 2006) This meant that not only did the dalit movement and questions related to SC become known internationally, but international focus, to a large extent, came to be placed on the situation of SC women. (Hardtmann: 2009:215) The manifesto of NFDW reads: NFDW endeavours to seek and build alliances with all other progressive and democratic movements and forces, in particular the womens movement and the wider Dalit movement at the national level. It thus aspires in a significant way to widen the democratic spaces while at the same time to create and preserve its identity and specificity. This framework will enable the Dalit womens movement to seek the roots of its oppression, the diversities, the nature of changes, if any, in specific regions and historical contexts and in particular, perceive the varied levels of consciousness that exist within it. Source, (Kannabiran: 2006) In the context of the caste and race debate The NFDW focused on the specific interpretation of civil and political rights, the recognition of productive contribution to society in terms of equality, dignity, fair wages and popular perception, the guarantee of security of person and freedom from the threat of sexual and physical assault, right to freedom of religion in a context where conversion for a better life resulted in denial of protections and the right to leadership a claim pitted against non-dalit men, dalit men and non dalit women. (Kannabiran: 2006) Drawing on the definition of racial discrimination in Article 1 of the CERD, the NFDW asserted in the Durban process that discrimination based on caste is indeed a specific form of racism, intertwined with gender since Dalit women face targeted violence from state actors and powerful members of dominant castes and community especially in the case of rape, mutilation and death; they face discrimination in the payment of unequal wages and gender violence at the workplace that includes fields [as agricultural labourers], on the streets [as manual scavengers and garbage pickers], in homes [as domestic workers], and through religious customà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦' (Kannabiran: 2006) The charter of rights of dalit women, formulated in 1999, and christened the Delhi Declaration sets out the guiding principles of dalit womens rights. It declares that dalits are one of the indigenous peoples of India, who as a people are sovereign, with a distinct identity, history, culture and religionSignificantly, dalit women in this charter declared solidarity in the common cause of womens rights in India and the world at large for the establishment of gender partnership in an egalitarian society. (Kannabiran: 2006) Theoretical approaches It is difficult to explain the dalit womens movement with the help of any one of the given theoretical perspectives, because of the particular context in which DWM is located and the specific historical trajectory it has followed; feminist movements in general have been theorized as new social movements (NSM), however the NSM perspective cannot explain DWM until some context based facts are taken in account. The DWM as separate from the dalit movement and the NFDW in particular is chronologically a new phenomena, the movement has been analysed in relation to the current world order. The womens movement, the dalit movement, the dalit womens movement and Feminism in India has to be situated within the particular history of colonialism, nationalism, modernity, nation-state, and presently the global world order with global institutions like the IMF, the World Bank and the United Nations. Feminism in India cannot be isolated from the broader framework of an unequal international world. (Chaudhuri: 2004: xv) Chaudhuri has argued that we should look at the Indian nation-states entry in modernity to understand the womens question in India. Indias entrance to modernity was facilitated by the colonial state and the very construction of modern bourgeois domesticity itself can be discerned in the nineteenth century social reform movement. (Chaudhuri: 2011: x) The social reform movement focused on the high caste-class women as subjects and as well as symbols for Indian tradition has been made clear by Vaid and Sangari (1989). In the context of DWM it becomes crucial to understand gender as a relational term (John 2004) (Hardtmann 2009). Johns question is that how then, should one look at the gendered relations between men and women from the exploited sections of societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Hardtmann: 2009:209) John has commented that the stereotype of associating women with the inside private sphere and men as a general category with the outside world of economic and political powerà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦is very misleading (Hardtmann: 2009:209) because such power is in fact in the hands of a very few men, who are upper caste and Hindu, and middle or upper class, and who may constitute no more than 10 percent of the male population. (John 2004b:253) (Hardtmann: 2009:209) Arguing in the vein of John, Hartmann argues that the world bank, the Indian state, and international corporations agree that one solution to the economic problems of SCs in the Indian society is that poor women enter the private spheres as entrepreneurs. Her question is why poor women and poor men. The implicit assumption of these institutions is that dalit men are economically irresponsible in relation to their families. They are deprived of their so called male responsibility, and as a result they are devoid of constructing their masculinity associated with respect. Women are supported to enter the economic sphere, but when they on the other hand reach an economic position, like Mayawati, they are pictured as immoral and deprived of constructing a so-called femininity, valued and respected in Indian society. (Hardtmann: 2009:225) To invoke Johns pithy description, the thrifty and diligent women are pitted solely against their unruly men. (Chaudhuri: 2011: xxxix) Who are seen as bad subjects of modernity. (Chaudhuri: 2011: xxxix) Hartdmann suggests that to dalit men and women, oppression is not a question of ascribed gender identities in a heteronormative society, rather dalit men and women are not ascribed gender identities, but on the opposite prevented from constructing gender identities related to a neoliberal economic order in the Indian society, where traditional gender roles are clearly defined. (Hardtmann: 2009:225) The DWM traces its origins and ideology to Ambedkar. Ambedkars faith lay in the state as a redeemer of the injustices of the Indian societyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Rao: 2003:24)

Laura’s Struggle for Growth in The Garden Party Essay -- Garden Party

Laura’s Struggle for Growth in The Garden Party  Ã‚        Ã‚  Ã‚   Through her short story "The Garden Party," Katherine Mansfield portrays a young woman’s struggle through adolescence and her tumultuous entrance into adulthood. Mansfield paints a tale of grievance, bewilderment, enlightenment, and maturation furthered by the complications of class distinctions. Mansfield’s protagonist, Laura, encounters considerable hardship in growing up and must denounce all of the puerile convictions in her chimerical world in order to attain maturity in the real adult world. As does any normal teenager, Laura Sheridan struggles to make sense of her adolescent life. As Don Klein remarks, "The story’s focus—and central dramatic impulse—is the young girl’s secret struggle to grow up" (124). Grappling with excessive inner turmoil, she attempts to erect a unique identity for herself, one set apart from those of her family members. In order to effect such radical transformation, she is first compelled to overcome several major impediments in her life, the most encumbering being her mother. The overbearing presence of Laura’s mother and her mother’s ideals pose an impending hindrance in Laura’s progression to adulthood. As Laura battles with maturity, she begins shedding the skin of her childhood and hence begins transcending the mold created for her by her mother’s upbringing. Laura also begins to denounce the snug, evasive dream world that her mother has suffocated her in. Mrs. Sheridan intentionally raises her children in this dream world in order that she have complete control over their thoughts and actions without their knowledge. She furthers this dream world by letting them believe that they, and not she, are actually in control. For in... ... the daily life struggles of an average teenager, but also, on a more personal level, she gives insight into her own adolescent hardships as well. Works Cited Davis, Robert Murray. "The Unity of ‘The Garden Party.’ "Short Story Criticism 23 (1993): 128-30. Klein, Don W. "’The Garden Party’: A Portrait of the Artist." Short Story Criticism 23.(1993): 123-8. Mansfield, Katherine. "The Garden Party." The Norton Anthology of English Literature. 6th ed. Ed. M. H. Abrams. New York: Norton, 1996. 2510-20. Taylor, Donald S. "Crashing the Garden Party: A Dream-A Wakening." Short Story Criticism 23 (1993): 121-2. Walker, Warren S. "The Unresolved Conflict in ‘The Garden Party.’" Short Story Criticism 23 (1993): 119-21. Weiss, Daniel A. "Crashing the Garden Party: The Garden Party of Proserpina." Short Story Criticism 23 (1993): 122-1.      

Inflation

There are various ways for the employees to voice out their dissatisfaction_ One of the ways is by using picketing. Under section 40 of Industrial Relation Act allow workers to attend at or near their workplace when they have a trade dispute. The purpose of picketing are communicate issues to the public and members the employers. Picketing also held at lunch time, and before or after working hours. Picketing is enforceable by law as long as it must not intimidate anyone. Must not obstruct the entrance or exit the organization. 3. Summarization National Union of Bank employees (NUMB) held another picket on the issue for discriminating its Muslim employees and also In support with the 27 employees that have been sacked by the bank. The picket was held at Clan Tuna Appear. The Muslim employees had been discriminated by disallowed them from performing their prayers in the office by the management. They had been sacked because they did not agree to transferred to other branches. They had been discussed with the upper management but no action taken by the authorities to settle the Issues.They will intone to fight for the workers until Hong Leone Bank reinstate the sacked 27 employees. The Mole when contacted with Shirring Oarsman officer of Hong Leone Bank stated that the fact of disallowed Muslim employees was untrue statement. They are not allowed because sugar Is located In a secured area as they were not the staff of the branches and they just only the NUMB members. No one is allowed to entered into a secured area as it has been a standard security policy of any financial institution.She also stated that its staff had been allowed to perform their prayers thou any prejudice. 33 Mall Issues The Issues arises Is discriminates Its Muslim employees by disallowed them to perform their prayers at Sugar. As the officer offing Leone state that the Muslim employees is not the staff of Hong Leone Bank. Many negotiations had been taken by the employees but all the negotiati ons is not success because there Is no action taken by them. The Muslim officials In the Human Resource Ministry,the Government and the authorities failed to protect Islam and Muslim employees.Besides that, 27 employees in the Hong Leone Bank were sacked because they did to agree to be transferred to other branches. 3. 4 Background Issue Among 300 of NUMB members held a picket at Clan Tuna Appear regarding to the Issues of discriminating Muslim employees by disallowed them to perform their Solar at Sugar and over 27 employees were sacked. This is because Sugar is located at the secured area. It is a security standard policy no one can entered into that area except for the staff of Hong Leone Bank. The officer of Hong Leone Bank state that they are not the Hong Leone Bank but they are NUMB members.Abdul Jamie as Vice President f Numb members reiterated the statement that Numb members are also the Hong Leone Employees. During the time of 2 December until 18 December they are still und er Hong Leone employment. NUMB General Secretary enforce Balance Ministry to take legal action for these discrimination. Hong Leone Bank cannot said that NUMB members is not Hong Lemon's employees. Besides that, over 27 employees were 1 OFF discussions were held but none of the ministry take action over these issues. Tan stated that the transfer is necessary to increase the effectiveness and efficiency ofHong Leone Bank. 3. 5 Analysis Many of the Numb members held a pickets to ensure that their dissatisfaction can being heard by the public. Among the issues arises is the discrimination towards Muslim employees. Muslim employees had been disallowed to perform their prayer at the Sugar. Department of Labor will remind the employers the right of Muslim employees. Besides that over 27 employees were sacked. Their termination is not valid without a valid reasons as they disagree to transfer to other branches and then they were sacked.For the dismissal of the contract the employers should at least give notice of termination. Under section 12 of Employment Act 1955 state that, Either party to a contract of service may at any time give to the other party notice of his intention to terminate such contract of service. In the Industrial Relation Act section 20 provides machinery for an employers to dismissed its employees. The employees can make claims if they believe their termination is without a valid reasons.If the Court agree that their termination is without a valid reasons under section 14 of the Employment act 1955,then the Court will reinstated their termination. 3. 6 Recommendation The company may used Conciliation to solve their problems. By using third party as a conciliator. Conciliator is one of the officer of Department of Industrial Relation. The conciliator will meet the both parties whether separately or Jointly. The conciliator will briefing the problems and help the parties to achieves mutual agreement. This way can be used if the negotiations is not useful.The conciliator will give the recommendations and advice. 3. Conclusion Discrimination on the Muslim employees should be stopped by the government. Under article 11 of the Federal Constitution state that every person have the right to practice their own religion and to propagate it. The employer has no right to obstruct Muslim employees to perform their prayers. Regarding the issues of termination without valid reason is void. As it contravene with the Employment Act. The employer must give a notice of a services before dismiss their employees. If the issues can be settled it would create harmonious work environment. Inflation The cost of inflation depends on two cases; perfectly anticipated inflation and unanticipated inflation. Anticipated inflation is defined when individuals are able to make accurate predictions of inflation, they can take steps to protect themselves from its effects. Also, trade unions might use their bargaining power to negotiate for increases in money wages to protect the real wages of union members. Households may want to switch savings into accounts offering a higher rate of interest or into other financial assets where capital gains might exceed price inflation.Businesses can adjust their prices and lenders can adjust interest rates. However, businesses may also seek to hedge against future price movements by transacting in â€Å"forward markets†. For example, many airlines such as Bahamas-Air may buy their fuel months in advance as a protection or ‘hedge' against fluctuations in world oil prices. In Contrast, When inflation is unanticipated, individuals do not reali ze that they should protect their real purchasing power against a rising price level until the price level has already risen and their real purchasing power has already fallen.In this instance, there will be gainers and losers, in terms of purchasing power, from the inflation. In general, unanticipated inflation causes a misallocation of resources. Firms, unions, banks, will push prices and wages up. Those who can do it best will cause a misallocation of resources. For example suppose workers at manufacturing companies in the Bahamas wage increases, and public employees don't. Then, resources (labor) will be reallocated due to the relative market power of the different workers.But more importantly, lenders such as Banks will lose with respect to borrowers, giving individuals an incentive to borrow. For instance, when Bahamian people take out mortgages in order to buy houses at fixed interest rates, they end up aying back less in real terms than they had contracted for, wealth is the n redistributed from banks and other financial institutions to homeowners with mortgages. In relative terms, borrowing becomes cheaper than paying in cash.Another example would be if individuals who retire on pensions that are fixed in nominal amount will find the values of those pensions in terms of the goods they buy eroded as years pass, in this case the redistribution is from pensioners to the owners of insurance companies and other financial institutions that have contracted to pay them fixed dollar amounts. Alternatively, individuals have the incentive to spend now before the price level rises further.This however, will push prices up even faster, and may cause the inflation rate to accelerate and if uncertainty continue to increase, consumers and investors become less certain about the future, as prices rise in an unanticipated fashion. They may change their pattern of spending, and be less willing to undertake projects that take a long time to payoff. The Costs of Hyperinfla tion. Hyperinflation is define when the prices of most goods and services skyrocket, usually more than 50% a month. It usually starts when a country's Federal government begins printing money to pay for fiscal spending.As the money supply increases, prices creep up as in regular inflation. However, instead of tightening the money supply to lower inflation, the government keeps printing more money to pay for spending. Once consumers realize what is happening, they expect intlation. T causes them to buy more now to avoid paying a higher price later. This boosts demand, causing inflation to spiral out of control. The only winners in hyperinflation are those who borrowed before the hyperinflation. Fortunately, the Bahamas have ever experienced hyperinflation but other countries such as Germany and Zimbabwe has.But if the Bahamas was to experience hyperinflation like Germany, the consumers can expect 1 . Inflation Expectations and Wage Demands: Price increases lead to higher wage demands as people try to maintain their real living standards. This process is known as a Wage-price spiral'. 2. Arbitrary Re-Distributions of Income: Inflation tends to hurt people in Jobs with poor bargaining positions in the labour market – for example people in low paid Jobs with little or no trade union protection may see the real value of their pay fall.Inflation can also favour borrowers at the expense of savers as inflation erodes the real value of existing debts. 3. Business Planning and Investment: Inflation can disrupt business planning. Budgeting becomes difficult because of the uncertainty created by rising inflation of both prices and costs – and this may reduce planned investment spending. 4. Competitiveness and Unemployment: Inflation is a possible cause of higher unemployment in the medium term if one country experiences a much higher rate of inflation than another, leading to a loss of international competitiveness and a subsequent worsening of their trade p erformance.

The bystander effect Essay - 1223 Words

In the early morning hours of March 13, 1964, twenty-eight year old barmaid Catherine Kitty Genovese was murdered and raped on the street in Kew Gardens, New York. The incident did not initially receive much attention until Martin Gansbergs infamous article, Thirty-Eight Who Saw Murder, Didnt Call the Police, was published in the New York Times two weeks later. In reality, only twelve people witnessed the event yet each did nothing to significantly help Genovese until it was too late. The Genovese murder has become the definitive example of the bystander effect, the social phenomenon in which individuals are less likely to help someone in distress if there are other people present. The bystander effect occurs wherever there is†¦show more content†¦People have a tendency, known as social proof, to believe that others interpretation of the ambiguous situation is more accurate than their own. Hence, a lack of response by others leads them to conclude that the situation is not an emergency and that response is not warranted. Finally, empirical evidence has shown that the bystander effect is negated when the situation is clearly recognized as an emergency. In a 1976 study published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Lance Shotland and Margaret Straw illustrated that when people witnessed a fight between a man and a woman that they believed to be strangers to each other, they intervened 65 percent of the time. Thus, people often do not respond appropriately to an emergency situation because the situation is unclear to them and as a result, they have misinterpreted it as a non-emergency based on their own past experience or social cues taken from others. The bystander effect also arises from a diffusion of responsibility as each bystander can better rationalize his or her lack of action. In some cases, people assume that in a large group, there will be someone else that is more qualified to help and therefore, each person feels less obligated to act. For example, a doctor is far more qualified to provide medical assistance to a victim and likewise, a police officer or stronger-bodied man can better subdue a perpetrator. If the crowd of bystanders is large,Show MoreRelatedBystander Effect And Crises : Bystander Effects1625 Words   |  7 Pages Anthony R. Hudgens March 24, 2016 Case Study #4 Bystander Effect and Crises Bystander Effect and Crises A woman by the name of Kitty Genovese was stalked and stabbed to death in an alleyway of Queens, New York, in 1964 (Pugh Henry). It is reported that there were nearly 40 witnesses who heard her screams for help but failed to do so (Colangelo, 2014). Why is it that some individuals tend to shy away from bad situations in which help is clearly needed? Kitty’s murderer, Winston MoselyRead MoreBystander Apathy And Effect Of Bystander1084 Words   |  5 PagesBystander Apathy and Effect Bystander effect, or also known as bystander apathy, is a social psychological phenomenon that attributes to cases in which others do not help people in need while others are around. The possibility of help is contrarily connected to the amount of bystanders. Basically, the larger amount of bystanders the less likely people will help the one in need. Various variables help to explain why the bystander effect occurs. These variables include: ambiguity, cohesivenessRead MoreBystander Effect Essay1389 Words   |  6 PagesThe Bystander Effect The Bystander effect is a controversial theory given to social phenomenon where the more potential helpers there are, the less likely any individual is to help. A traditional explanation for this Bystander Effect is that responsibility diffuses across the multiple bystanders, diluting the responsibility of each. (Kyle et al.) The Bystander effect, also known as the Genovese Syndrome, was created after the infamous murder of â€Å"Kitty† Catherine Genovese in 1964, on the streets ofRead MoreBystander Effect Essay1637 Words   |  7 Pages Bystander or Bodyguard: An Examination of Who Helps and Who Does Not A bystander, according to Michael Webster’s New World College Dictionary, is an individual who is present in a given situation, but is not involved (Agnes, 2001). The word bystander does not always have a negative connotation, but in the case of bullying or an emergency situation, it does. In either scenario, a bystander is not helping in a time of crisis and this can have many negative outcomes. Many factors play a role in remainingRead MoreEssay on Bystander Effect1079 Words   |  5 PagesBystander effect, (Darley Latane, 1970) refers to decrease in helping response when there are bystanders around relative to no bystanders. Referring to previous study stating that there are some cases of which group size may promote helping instead of hindering it (Fischer et al., 2011). Researchers then speculate the possibility of positive influences from bystanders by taking public self-awareness into consideration. Researchers proposed that high public self-awareness would reverse t he bystanderRead MoreBystander Effect Essay1403 Words   |  6 PagesThe Bystander Effect is a controversial theory given to social phenomenon where the more potential bystanders there are, the less likely any individual is to help in emergency situations. A traditional explanation for the cause of the Bystander Effect is that responsibility diffuses across the multiple bystanders, diluting the responsibility of each. (Kyle et al.) The Bystander effect, also known as the Genovese Syndrome, was named after the infamous murder of â€Å"Kitty† Catherine Genovese in 1964,Read MoreThe Bystander Effect And Racism913 Words   |  4 Pagesthose they perceive to be similar to them, including others from their own racial or ethnic groups. We don’t like to discover that our propensity for altruism can depend on prejudice†¦Ã¢â‚¬  We can connect the evidence provided to explain issues of the bystander effect and racism. For example, when people witness a situation of racism , they are probably only going to help if it is someone from the same racial group. However, if it were someone foreign to his or her group, then that would ignore the issue andRead MoreThe Bystander Effect Essays1305 Words   |  6 PagesThe Bystander Effect Psy 110 - Asynchronous The Bystander Effect If you saw someone being attacked on the street, would you help? Many of us would quickly say yes we would help because to state the opposite would say that we are evil human beings. Much research has been done on why people choose to help and why others choose not to. The bystander effect states that the more bystanders present, the less likely it is for someone to help. SometimesRead MoreHistory Of The Bystander Effect1835 Words   |  8 PagesHistory of the Bystander Effect The bystander effect is a very famous theory. It has been indited about in many Psychology Textbooks. In addition, there has been many situations that have been associated with this theory. Nevertheless, there was one story that commenced it all. This acclaimed story went viral and what some would call, legendary. This story resulted in a woman denominated as Kitty Genovese being assailed and murdered by Winston Moseley. The reason this situation became so popularRead MoreThe Bystander Effect On Children1132 Words   |  5 PagesDimitri Alaiwat Mrs. Gumina English III 22 March 2015 The Bystander Effect Would one help some random person on the street in need? What if they were out in the frigid cold with no home or warm clothes? How about if the person was a woman getting physically harassed by her boyfriend? Most people would say â€Å"yes† to these questions, but would they actually help if any of these situations occurred in their lives? â€Å"The bystander effect is a social psychological phenomenon that refers to cases in which